Learning Styles: What is a Learning
Style? What Does it Matter?
Raymond S. Nickerson, Tufts
University
It is obvious that some people learn better -- faster,
more efficiently, more thoroughly, more retentively -- than do others.
Identifying what determines how well people learn and accounting for individual
differences in learning are old quests in educational research. Some of the
factors that presumably have a non-trivial effect are properties or
characteristics of whatever is to be learned: concrete or abstract concepts,
manual or motor skills, . . . Some are properties or characteristics of the
agent or agents doing the teaching: the knowledgability of the teacher with
respect to the material being taught, his/her ability to communicate, . . .
Some are properties or characteristics of the learning context: class size,
classroom organization, resource availability, . . . Some are properties or
characteristics of the learner: intelligence, motivation, interest in the
subject matter, beliefs, . . .
Much has been written in recent years about the
importance of learning styles, which, according to many accounts, belong in the
last-mentioned category. The purpose of this discussion session is to consider
what this construct means to those who use it, whether it provides insights
into how teaching and learning could be enhanced, and, if so, how it can be
applied effectively to that end.
What proponents of the importance of
learning styles say
The literature on learning styles contains many claims
about the importance of this construct to education. One focus of our
discussion should be consideration of the credibility -- based on evidence,
direct or indirect -- of these claims. A small sampling of the claims
follows:
"Our system is ineffective because it
does not respond to the many different ways in which healthy, normal, motivated
students absorb, process, and retain difficult information and skills" (Dunn
& Griggs, 1988, p. 2).
"Effective learning occurs when
instructors affirm the presence and validity of diverse learning styles and
maximize the climate or conditions for learning in and out of the classroom
through the deliberate use of instructional design principles that take account
of learning differences and increase the possibilities of success for all
learners" (Sims & Sims, 1995, p. xi)
"Significant contributions to the
enhancement of learning can be made by the integration of the findings of
learning style research into course design and delivery. The higher education
community would be negligent if it fails to take advantage of this opportunity
to improve university and college education" (Wooldridge, 1995 p. 65).
"The exchange between faculty and student
will be more effective if there is a 'fit' between teaching styles of
instructors and cognitive or learning styles of students" (Geary & Sims,
1995, p. 119).
"Students perform better in environments
and with approaches that complement their learning styles than in environments
or approaches that are inconsistent with their learning styles" (Rainey &
Kolb, 1995, p. 134).
"The teacher's knowledge of the subject
matter and his or her ability to communicate it are very important factors in
the teaching and learning process. The problem is that these two factors alone
will not ensure effective teaching. The learning style of the learner and the
nature of adult learning are central factors that must be included in the
equation" (Hewitt, 1995, 174).
"Styles are of interest to educators
because they predict academic performance in ways that go beyond abilities . .
. . They are also of interest because when teachers take styles into account,
they help improve both instruction and assessment" (Sternberg & Zhang,
2001, p. viii).
Some questions about learning
styles
Here I want to toss out a few specific
questions that could serve as points of departure for discussion. With each
question, I will make a comment drawing on one or a few sources that seem
relevant. The comments are not offered as answers, but simply as prods to
thinking and discussion.
What is a learning style?
The idea that people differ in the ways
in which they think or learn is an old one (Vernon, 1973). Sternberg and
Grigorenko (2001) attribute the formal introduction of the idea of style in
psychology to Allport (1937) whose understanding of the concept, they suggest,
was rooted in Jung's (1923) theory of psychological types. The term learning
style appears to have been used in a variety of ways since its initial
introduction into the literature, and this has made for some confusion.
Hickcox (1995) points to "the confusion
of definitions surrounding learning style concepts and the resulting wide
variation in scale or scope of behavior claimed to be predicted by various
models" (p. 28) as sources of difficulty in assessing the adequacy of
conceptualizations of learning style. Some conceptualizations, Hickcox notes,
claim only to predict an individual's choice between two specific types of
learning situations, whereas others attempt to predict choices over a wide
range of possibilities. Wooldridge (1995) echoes this sentiment: "A major
obstacle to improving instructional effectiveness through an understanding of
learning styles is the lack of consensus as to definitions of important
concepts in the field" (p. 50). Similar observations regarding the many, and
not altogether consistent, ways in which learning styles have been
conceptualized have been made by others.
How does learning style relate to
learning ability, strategy, disposition, attitude, etc.?
Noting that learning styles has "a
confusing array of definitions" in the literature, Sims and Sims (1995) point
out that this term is often used interchangeably with cognitive style or
learning ability. Sternberg and Grigorenko (2001) note that style
and strategy are used as synomyms by some writers. Biggs (2001) contends
that "Cognitive, learning, and thinking styles fit Cronbach and Snow's (1977)
definition of an aptitude: a characteristic that promotes a student's
performance in one kind of environment as opposed to another" (p. 80).
On the other hand some writers make sharp
distinctions among these concepts. Sternberg and Grigorenko (2001), for
example, distinguish styles from abilities and strategies. Renzulli and Dai
(2001) distinguish learning styles from abilities and interests and argue that
all three should be seen "as central developmental and individual differences
constructs" (p. 27).
Sternberg (2001) points out that styles
were not clearly distinguished from abilities and personality traits in some of
the early theoretical work on the subject, and consequently the study of styles
tended to be absorbed in the study of other things. Noting that research on
styles appears to be less intense that it was a few decades ago, Sternberg
surmises that the main reason for the decline "has been that the styles
literature has failed to provide any common conceptual framework and language
for researchers to communicate either with each other or with psychologists at
large" (p. 250).
How do learning styles correspond to
related style concepts (e.g., cognitive, thinking styles)?
Sternberg and Zhang (2001) distinguish
among learning styles, thinking styles and cognitive styles as follows:
Learning styles might be used to
characterize how one prefers to learn about the Civil War. Would one rather
learn about it visually (by reading) or auditorally (by lectures)? Or perhaps
one would prefer an active form of learning (simulating it) versus a passive
form (reading or listening to material about it).
Thinking styles might be used to
characterize how one prefers to think about material as one is learning it or
after one already knows it. For example, would one rather think about global
issues or local issues? Would one prefer to evaluate what one has learned or to
go beyond what one has learned?
Cognitive styles might be used to
characterize ways of cognizing the information. For example, does one tend to
be a splitter, seeing each battle as a distinct entity, or as a lumper, viewing
many or all of the battles as similar acts of war? Does one tend to be
impulsive in jumping to conclusions about the war or to be reflective? The
cognitive styles tend to be closer to personality than are the other types of
styles. (p. vii).
Renzulli and Dai (2001) note that
cognitive style theorists tend to think of cognitive styles as "general modes
and structural properties of cognitive systems," which are to be distinguished
from personal preferences that are under volitional control. Learning styles,
in contrast are seen as personal preferences. This distinction is not so
sharply drawn by all writers, however. Riding (2001) sees a cognitive style as
"an individual's preferred and habitual approach to both organizing and
representing information" (p. 48).
My general impression is that while some
writers make fairly sharp distinctions among different types of styles, many do
not. It is not difficult to find instances in which cognitive, thinking and
learning styles, appear to be treated as synonymous concepts.
Are there identifiable different
learning styles? If so what are they?
Kolb (1971, 1978; Smith & Kolb, 1985)
suggests that people differ with respect to two continua or dimensions: a
perceiving, or doing-watching continuum, the ends of which are identified as
active experimentation and reflective observation, and a processing or
feeling-thinking continuum, the ends of which are concrete experience and
abstract conceptualization. These continua, or dimensions, are typically
referred to in the literature simply as the active-reflective dimension and the
concrete-abstract dimension. The four possible combinations of these
characteristics -- active concrete, active abstract, reflective concrete,
reflective abstract -- define a space of learning styles:
- Converging (defined by the combination of abstract
conceptualization and active experimentation).
- Diverging (concrete experience and reflective
observation).
- Assimilating (abstract conceptualization and
reflective observation).
- Accommodating (concrete experience and active
experimentation).
Rainey and Kolb (1995) contrast the four styles this
way: "The diverger is imaginative, understands people, perceives relationships
between situations, and is good at brainstorming. The converger, who is the
opposite of the diverger, likes deductive reasoning and is good at decision
making and problem solving. The assimilator develops models and theories, plans
well, and is systematic. The accommodator, opposite of the assimilator, takes
risks, gets things done, and is comfortable with assuming leadership" (p.
133).
Several other style taxonomies have been proposed.
Many of them, like Kolb's, classify learners in terms of where they fit with
respect to each of one or more characteristics (which, in some cases, can be
treated as dimensions). Characteristics that have been used by different
theorists for this purpose include the following (there are others):
- Field independence and field dependence
- Sensory-perceptual modality preferences
- Verbalizing and visualizing
- Abstract and concrete thinking (cognitive
complexity)
- Impulsiveness and reflectiveness
- Degree of structure in the learning process
- Leveling versus sharpening
- Locus of control
- Achievement motivation
- Masculine-feminine behavior
- Physical and social characteristics of the learning
environment
- Types of instructional activities and degree of
student involvement
- Holist and serialist task strategies
- Surface and deep approaches to learning
- Left-brain (analytical, structured) and right-brain
(holistic, artistic) thinking
Can learning styles be assessed
empirically?
Assessing learning styles is seen to be important for
a variety of reasons. Two mentioned by Hickcox (1995) are the need for teachers
to be aware of learner preferences in order to be more effective as teachers
and the desirability of making learners more aware of their own preferences so
they can better manage their own learning.
Several instruments have been developed that are
intended to identify individuals' learning (or cognitive or thinking) styles.
As of 1991, at least 32 such instruments had been published (Campbell, 1991).
Some examples:
- The Learning Style Inventory
- The Learning Styles Questionnaire
- The Learning Process Questionnaire
- The Study Process Questionnaire
- The How I Study Inventory
- The Cognitive Styles Analysis
- The Inventory of Learning Styles
- The Motivated Strategies for Learning Questionnaire
- The Total Talent Portfolio
Citing a report by Curry (1987), Dunn and Griggs
(1988) claim that "very few learning style identification instruments are
reliable and valid" (p. 2). Nevertheless they also claim that "[t]oday we can
test any secondary student and, within minutes, describe exactly how that
person is likely to learn more easily and remember longer. We can also explain
the methods, resources, and environment likely to best respond to that person's
learning style" (p. 3).
Sternberg and Grigorenko (2001) claim that the most
often-mentioned empirical problem associated with the measurement of learning
styles is that of the generalizability of findings. "Most findings in the field
appear to be 'instrument bound.' In other words, whatever is measured by a
particular test or questionnaire is called a 'style of . . .,' and there are
only a few examples in the literature of replications in which the same latent
constructs have been studied with measures created by different authors" (p.
3).
Hickcox (1995) points out that the authors of learning
styles assessment instruments often urge that more than one instrument be used
for any given assessment, because no instrument is ideally suited to every
individual. Curry (1987) makes the same recommendation on the basis of a review
of several such instruments.
Are learning styles innate, or are they acquired
through experience? Can/should they be taught?
Watkins (2001) points out that the "state-trait"
debate is one of the "longest running wars of words in the psychological
literature." As it pertains to learning, the question is "whether learners are
relatively consistent in their way of learning or whether they vary their
approach according to the learning task and content" (p. 168). The question has
implications for how one approaches teaching: if learning styles are innate and
relatively impervious to environmental influences, the single challenge is to
make teaching practices consistent with them, but if they are acquired through
experience, it may make sense to try to modify individuals' styles, especially
if some styles are more effective than others, perhaps depending on the nature
of the matter to be learned.
Given what is known, or believed, about learning
styles, should the development and refinement of specific learning styles be an
educational objective? Some writers recommend that learners be grouped with
others with a similar style and taught in a way that is consistent with that
style; others recommend that students be paired with others whose learning
styles complement their own and/or that they be challenged with material that
will encourage them to develop new styles.
To what extent do learning styles differ as a
function of gender, ethnicity, culture, age, etc.?
Some, but not all, writers take the position that
gender, ethnicity, culture, age and other demographic variables play important
roles in shaping learning styles. It seems important to understand better
whether such variables do influence styles and, if so, to what extent, and to
determine how best to take this into account in teaching.
What is the empirical evidence that teaching to
learning styles works?
Although they believe that the evidence indicates
tailoring teaching to be appropriate to students' learning styles can enhance
learning, Claxton and Murrell (1987) contend that, as a matter of fact, work on
learning styles has not had much effect on educational practices in higher
education. They note, in particular, that despite the enormous amount of
research that has been done on field independence - field dependence, the most
extensively researched of learning-style dimensions, the effect on college
teaching has been insignificant.
Zhang and Sternberg (2001) report a series of
correlational studies conducted in China, Hong Kong, and the United States that
showed that style data could be predictive of academic achievement beyond what
could be predicted from participants' self-rated abilities. They also reported
gender and cultural differences in the relationship between styles and
achievement.
Some other questions
- How important are learning styles relative to other
factors -- intelligence, abilities, interest in subject, motivation,
self-discipline, time on task, beliefs, teacher competence, resources -- that
help determine how well people learn? If the goal is to increase the
effectiveness of education (teaching and learning), where should the effort be
put? Where is the leverage?
- In what ways, if any, has the concept of learning
styles been helpful? In what ways, if any has it been harmful? Has it been a
net plus or a net minus for education?
- What questions should we be asking?
- What are the most pressing questions that should be
addressed by research?
References
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Suggested Reading
Messick, S. (1994). Cognitive styles and
learning. In T. Husen & T. N. Postlethwaite (Eds.), International
Encyclopedia fo Education (2nd Edition) (pp. 868-872). New York: Pergamon.
Sims, R. R., & Sims, S. J. (Eds.)
(1995). The importance of learning styles: Understanding the implications
for learning, course design, and education. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
(Esp. Chapters 1, 2, 12).
Shipman, S., & Shipman, V. C. (1985).
Cognitive styles: Some conceptual, methodological and applied issues. In E. W.
Gordon (Ed.), Review of research in education (Volume 12). Washington,
DC: American Educational Research Association.
Sternberg, R. J., & Zhang, L-F.
(Eds.) ((2001). Perspectives on thinking, learning, and cognitive
styles. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. (Esp. Chapter 1). |